Mohammad Saleh Soltani, cultural researcher
August 30, 1981 – Tehran, Prime Minister’s Office
The newly elected president of Iran had not yet completed his first month in office when the country was passing through some of its most sensitive days. After the turbulent presidency of Abolhassan Banisadr, who served as the first president of the Islamic Republic and then was removed from office by a parliamentary vote endorsed by then Leader of the Revolution, Imam Khomeini. In the summer of 1981, the people elected Mohammad-Ali Rajaei, a teacher from Qazvin who had previously served as prime minister under Banisadr, as Iran’s second president. Rajaei and his trusted prime minister, Mohammad-Javad Bahonar, were in the middle of an important meeting with colleagues when a massive explosion shook the building. It soon became clear that the president and prime minister had been deliberately targeted. Both men were martyred that day, and the nation mourned the loss of a president known for his modesty and tireless work. Rajaei and his trusted prime minister, Mohammad-Javad Bahonar, were in the middle of an important meeting with colleagues when a massive explosion shook the building. It soon became clear that the president and prime minister had been deliberately targeted. Both men were martyred that day, and the nation mourned the loss of a president known for his modesty and tireless work. Not long after, investigators discovered that the bombing had been carried out by an infiltrator: Massoud Kashmiri, a member of the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK), who had penetrated the highest security circles of the government and spent months preparing for this attack. Terrorism dealt Iran a heavy blow, but the people quickly rallied, and preparations were made for Iran’s third presidential election, less than two years after the Revolution. This time, the nation chose a popular cleric from Mashhad: Sayyid Ali Khamenei.
June 16, 2025 – Tehran, Supreme National Security Council
The Iranian people have been defending their country against the Zionist regime for four days straight. Since dawn on Friday, when Israel launched brutal strikes against military commanders, nuclear scientists, and civilians, fierce exchanges of fire have continued. Iranian missiles have reached deep into Tel Aviv and Haifa. The regime, which expected domestic unrest in Iran to flare up alongside war, has now realized its grave miscalculation: the Iranian people stand more united than ever, setting aside internal disputes to confront a common enemy. Perhaps that unity is what has emboldened Israel to begin striking residential areas of Tehran. In this tense atmosphere, the Supreme National Security Council convened an urgent meeting with the heads of all three branches of government and senior military commanders. The agenda was clear: managing the ongoing war. For obvious security reasons, the meeting was held at a secure location in western Tehran. In the middle of the session, a powerful blast hit the area. The lights went out. Thick dust poured into the hall—proof this was no near miss. Many of the country’s top officials were present, and any casualties would have caused a major crisis in the management of the war. Yet, despite the choking smoke and blocked exits, everyone made it out alive. This time, history did not repeat itself. The leadership of the Islamic Republic escaped unharmed from another terrorist assault.
Iran: A major victim of terrorism
The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the world’s greatest victims of terrorism. Since the 1979 Revolution, more than 17,000 Iranians have been assassinated—from ordinary citizens gunned down on the street by the Mojahedin-e Khalq for appearing religious, to commanders like General Qassem Soleimani, killed under direct orders from the U.S. president. Terrorism against Iran has taken many forms. There was the extremist violence of groups like Forqan, born of distorted religious ideas, which claimed the lives of figures such as Lieutenant General Mohammad-Vali Gharani and Ayatollah Morteza Motahhari. There has also been state-sponsored terrorism, orchestrated by the US and Israel; a terrorism that in just this 12-day war alone has killed over a thousand Iranian civilians. For years Iranians have asked the so-called champions of human rights: What is our crime? Is it pursuing a peaceful nuclear program under the strictest oversight of the International Atomic Energy Agency? Is it the decision made in 1979 to secure independence, freedom, and an end to foreign meddling? Is it opposing the apartheid regime in Israel and its relentless slaughter of Palestinians? A nation known throughout history for its tolerance, hospitality, and rich civilization has, over the past 47 years, endured every form of terrorism, from underground groups to state regimes. Everyone from presidents and senior commanders to shopkeepers and office workers has felt its sting. But the attack on the Supreme National Security Council during the recent war revealed terrorism in its ugliest form: a lawless regime striking at the top leadership of a sovereign state, a blatant act of state terrorism by an occupying power against a legitimate government.
From August 30, 1981, to June 16, 2025, the pattern has not changed: assassinations aimed at those who embody the will of the Iranian nation and the reality of popular governance within an Islamic system. For the architects of assassination, targeting senior officials is symbolic, it is an assault on the very symbols of national resolve. But Iran is no longer the vulnerable nation of 1981. From that bitter day to now, the Iranian people have built their strength and resilience. After twelve days of fierce combat, it was this national will, with God’s help, that forced Israel to sue for a ceasefire. The same divine-backed determination that carried the Islamic Revolution forward after the martyrdom of its president and prime minister in wartime has once again prevailed, proving that no act of terror can break the will of the Iranian people.
(The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of Khamenei.ir.)
Comment