In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful,
All praise is due to Allah, the Lord of the Worlds; May peace and greetings be upon our Master and Prophet, Ab-al-Qassem Al-Mustafa Muhammad, and upon his pure, immaculate and chosen household, especially the one remaining with Allah on earth.
I am very grateful to the brothers and sisters who have participated in this meeting, particularly the ones who presented us with their performances. I would also like to thank the honorable presenter who managed the meeting well up till the final hour. Thankfully, the statements of the dear speakers were diverse. Their statements included scientific matters, proposals -- I wrote down some of these proposals -- relating to the affairs of the country, political and social matters, and some criticism and complaints alike were mentioned and accepted. Thankfully, their statements included just about everything. It was, genuinely, a meeting belonging to the students.
There is one point which is very interesting and outstanding in regards to the discussions that friends -- male and female students -- held, which is the fact that despite those complaints, concerns, and other such things, today's meeting shows that the student's environment is enthusiastic and lively. --This is the exact opposite of what the enemies and foreigners [against Iran] want. There are some people who pretend that [Iran's] Universities are depressing and hopeless environments. The truth is that Iran's Universities are stimulating.
Of course, you do not represent all the students of the country. We have more than four million students. I do not mean to say that those four million students enrolled in universities elsewhere all have the same spirit: we know that this is not the case. However, there is a lively, active and enthusiastic orientation among the student environment. The students of this orientation have various outlooks and positions, but they are all motivated, and they have a sense of radiating their influence. It is important to me that students feel they can exert influence; they feel that they should be influential: that is why they speak their mind.
Well, you have many complaints about issues regarding Iran, many of which are legitimate, but there is a difference between you and me who have spent many days in this world. "I have spent so much time in this old world until the discussions in Dey and Bahman have made me old," [from a poem by Naser Khosrow].
You express your dreams and desires comfortably, but I see the hiatus between existing circumstances and desires; in other words, the obstacles and conditions that exist based on my own experiences: the difference lies here. Many of these critiques are accurate, but overcoming the problems is not so easy: this requires endeavor, and it also requires some prerequisites. One of the necessary prerequisites is the existence of you and your thoughts, works, and statements.
I have prepared some points to share which I hope can be helpful. Of course, I have written down the main points that you've raised; and, by Allah's favor, I will pursue them, particularly the segment which was related to my own management and one which was related to the Armed Forces and the like: the latter is part of the Leader's management. In other words, the Leader has a managerial role in the area of the Armed Forces; however, the IRIB is not like this; the judiciary branch is not like this either. Although it is the Leader who appoints the head of the judiciary branch, he does not manage and lead the judiciary branch. These two things should be differentiated: the Leader does not manage the IRIB.
Of course, you should know that I have always held a critical viewpoint towards the IRIB: both during the term of the current manager and the previous managers. I have always expressed some criticism on different matters, including points that you've raised in this regard. Such points exist in my mind as well, and I express my views to the IRIB. Of course, it is not the case that managers want to behave in an obstinate manner towards us. They want to take action, but it is not easy: it is rather difficult. The fundamental task that should be carried out -- this was pointed out by some friends in the meeting as well -- is that young, pious, motivated and revolutionary personalities should be injected into the body of this organization. By Allah's favor, they intend to do as requested, and I have stressed on the matter as well. I have placed great emphasis on this matter to the IRIB and other centers -- Friday prayer leaders and other such personalities. By Allah's favor, things will improve when it comes to this matter.
You should know that we are always moving forward. Without a doubt, our movement is a progressive one, and there is abundant evidence to support this. Now, I have written down your points, by Allah's favor, I will pursue the ones which are related to me. Some students voiced a general complaint about the military service. I am not aware of the details; I do not know what they mean exactly; therefore, they should deliver a report so I can pursue the matter: the same goes for other areas. The main point is that you should continue with this [active] spirit, this feeling, this motivation and your presence [in all areas]: this is what we hope for.
I have said many times that the future belongs to you, you should prepare yourselves for future management [of the country]. When I say this, it is not a formality: it is not a laughing matter: this is a reality. You should continue to walk on the straight path, carefully, of course; in other words, you should preserve that same level of motivation. There were -- and still are -- many individuals who would speak enthusiastically and passionately, but later changed under different circumstances: you should take care not to let this happen. Your movement should be a continuous and tireless movement based on divine assistance, and you should work towards attaining divine rewards. --This is how you should persevere; if you do so, your movement will preserve the appropriate direction.
Under such circumstances, the future of the country -- which is in your hands as you stress on the current conditions -- will be a good future. When you move with such force of motivation the future will, naturally, be bright. So, the conclusion, up to this point, is that despite your objections and grievances, the meeting -- in general -- contains a positive message and sign and great hope. It shows that our young generation -- at least, one orientation of our young students -- are motivated, religious, zealous, and determined to take action: this is a very good sign: this meeting revealed it. Those who are hopeless about the future should look at this condition and adjust their thoughts.
Thus, I want to hold a conceptual discussion which is an emphasis on what I have always stressed. This discussion is about preserving our revolutionary nature and moving forward in a revolutionary manner. I have a conceptual analysis on this issue. I have certain points to make about student matters, orientations, and groups as well--which I will raise if there is enough time.
Since the beginning of the Revolution, there was a mistaken belief which was that the Revolution should continue until a government is established. When the government is formed, and when organizations, laws, bureaucracy and the like are established, the Revolution should be pushed to its periphery. "When the government is established, we will no longer need the Revolution." They also defined the Revolution as tense, combative, disturbing, with illegal activities and the like: such an idea was not formulated recently; it dates back to the first day of the Revolution: this ideology is wrong.
The Revolution contains specified phases. What occurred in the year 1357 [1978] -- the beginning of the Revolution -- was the first phase of the Revolution; it signified an explosion against the bias and fraudulent Taghuti regime [Pahlavi] and the establishment of a new system on the basis of new ideals and values, with new terminology and new concepts: this was the first phase of the Revolution. Then, as we entered the second phase, the system job is to implement these ideals. The ideals and values, which I will refer to, should be implemented within our society. If these values are to be implemented, there must be a managerial system which is referred to as the Revolutionary Government. So, the phase after the establishment of the Revolutionary System is the establishment of the Revolutionary Government: this is a government whose bases and pillars embrace the Revolution, with all its existence, and pursues the Revolution in a dedicated manner.
After the establishment of the Revolutionary Government, the ideals and values which have already been introduced -- our great revolutionary dreams and aspirations -- should be attained and realized one by one through suitable regulations: conventional rules and laws and appropriate implementation of them. Then, the result will be the formation of a Revolutionary Society. A Revolutionary Society will come into being, which is the fourth phase: the Revolutionary Movement, the Revolutionary System, the Revolutionary Government and a Revolutionary Society – the fourth phase.
After the formation of the Revolutionary Society, the ground will be prepared for the establishment of the revolutionary and Islamic civilization. I used the word "revolutionary," but you can use the word "Islamic" instead of "revolutionary." In other words, you can speak about an Islamic government, an Islamic society, and an Islamic civilization: these are the phases.
So, the Revolution never comes to an end: the revolution continues, and it will never stop. There is a need for a change and development. The [Arabic] term "Sirurat" means turning something into a constant: constant development. On the path of the Revolution, there is a constant development which will gradually implement those great aspirations and lofty values and ideals. Well, what are these great ideals? I would like to mention six or seven of these great ideals. Of course, these are not the only ones.
One ideal is national dignity: this is one of the ideals of the Revolution, and it is very important. National dignity means having a sense of national pride which is based on realities -- the realities in the front and center of society, not matters based on illusion and erroneous notions. At some point in time, there was a sense of pride for the rule of kings, the Achaemenid Empire, and the like: these are distorted notions and illusions which are not a real source of pride. National dignity means having a sense of pride based on reality: this is very important. National dignity is one of the criteria, without which national identity can be ruined. --If this happens, the people of a country achieve nothing.
The second ideal is national self-confidence. I have previopusly spoken at length about national self-confidence. I have spoken about this in great meetings over the previous years. National self-confidence blocks the route to dependence. If national self-confidence exists, the people will not feel that need to be dependent; on the contrary, they will avoid dependency.
Political, economic and cultural independence is another ideal: if this is available to a people -- political, economic, and cultural independence, each of which requires detailed discussion -- they will not have to tolerate the aggression and imposition arising from bullies and gluttons around the world; thus, one aspiration is independence.
Freedom -- the freedom of thought, speech, and action. Of course, a dear individual raised a point about freedom which was completely valid. Freedom is one of those concepts which definitely requires the law and the existence of some framework: because freedom by nature will transgress without the law and without a framework. It will lead to transgression, decadence, and negative features, examples of which you can be witnessed in the West today. If freedom does not exist, there will not be growth. If there is no freedom of thought, expression, or action in society, then the growth of society will come to a halt. The growth -- spiritual growth -- and progress of society definitely needs these forms of freedom.
The administration of justice, the rejection of discrimination and class differences, are among our great aspirations as well. In the Quran, the administration of justice has been specified as the main goal of the prophets: "That man may stand forth in justice," [57: 25]. We, too, wish to follow the path of the prophets (pbut). We are taking the path of Islam and the prophets. Therefore, justice is definitely one of the most important, or perhaps it can be said to be the most important, ideals or values that we must pursue. However, justice is not administered with demagoguery: justice is a difficult thing to administer. The administration of justice is one of the most difficult tasks within the country.
Material and civilizational progress in the shade of science and technology is another ideal. The country should be liberated from ignorance.
Another ideal is the growth of social morality. The association of people with one another should be a moral association. Mercy, charity, self-sacrifice, assistance, cooperation, and other such concepts are part of this social morality. These attributes which are related to the socialization of humans in society should continue to develop.
The preparation of the environment for spiritual growth and liberation from the bondage of lust and rage, among talented individuals, is another ideal: this is one of the most important aspirations which does not receive attention much of the time. The environment should be built in a way that talented individuals can move forward: it should develop in a way that the likes of Hajj Mirza Ali Aqa Qazi and Allamah Tabatabai, and other such personalities can be cultivated. These scholars were lofty and elite individuals who managed to liberate themselves from this material environment and went beyond that. The environment should be prepared for this. Of course, not all of us have the talent for such a thing, but there are some among us who have the talent to launch this movement, particularly while they are young.
In a well-known story, Diogenes the Cynic said to Alexander: "You are the slave of my slaves." Alexander was taking a certain path, and he came across Diogenes who did not pay any attention to him. Alexander said, "Go and see who he is." They brought him to Alexander and Alexander asked him, "Why did you not rise in my presence?" Diogenes answered, "Because there is no reason for me to do so. You are the slave of my slaves." Alexander replied, "What does this mean? Me, Alexander, am I your slave?" He answered, "Yes, lust and rage are my slaves. They are at my disposal, and you are a slave to lust and rage: a slave of my slaves." This scenario is about a person who managed to become liberated from the whips of lust and rage. Well, these are some ideals.
It is evident that ideals are not attained in a short period of time. If we want these ideals to be implemented in our society, this requires a long-term movement. What does this mean? This means that the Revolution should stay alive. When we, constantly, say that we should be and we should remain revolutionaries: this is what it means. If the Revolution achieves continuity, the implementation of these ideals will be possible. If this continuity is accompanied by awareness, intelligence, precision, and the like, the implementation of these ideals will be certain. However, if we reach the conclusion, mid-way, that the Revolution is no longer needed, or that bureaucracy and administrative work should replace it, then the ideals will not be attained.
Did we carry out the Revolution so that the other could leave and hand over the government? Did we launch the Revolution in order to seize the government? Those who used to fight, those who used to be whipped, and those who used to be captives, the only thing that they did not think of was that the Revolution would achieve victory, someday, and that they would become ministers, lawyers, leaders, and other such positions would be granted to them: this did not cross their minds. They were working and moving forward for a certain goal. The goal was not to receive positions of others' so we would continue to manage our country just like them, with the perception that we're the good guys unlike them: the bad guys. If we nurture such thoughts, we will be no better. One cannot remain good under such circumstances; so, the Revolution should have continuity.
Take note that I am giving reasons as to why one should be and remain revolutionary, and why one should move forward in a revolutionary manner. Naturally, there are certain requirements for this: there are certain requirements for moving in a revolutionary manner.
Certainly, I must tell you that I am aware of issues regarding the country. Sometimes, it is said that this person or that one has been channeled in a particular direction. I read all reports -- formal and informal report; I have contact with individuals through various channels. I am in contact with the people, and I have an office for communicating with the people. Therefore, I am aware of the issues within society, and I have as much information as a person in my position should have. I believe that we have progressed in all the areas that I've aforementioned. When a young individual among us says, "The situation is very bad. There is such and such a disaster, and we have moved back." I approve of their feelings and sentiments, but I do not agree with their statement, in any way, because their assumption is not the case.
You did not see the tyrannical [Pahlavi] regime: you did not live through the conditions at the beginning of the Revolution. Today, we have progressed in all the areas and concepts that I've mentioned. Of course, as I have said before, we suffer from some reluctance in the area of justice; but, this does not mean that we have not made progress; rather, it means that we have not made as much progress as we should have in the area of justice. However, we have made progress, even in the area of justice. You do not know what was happening in this country. Well, we were once the same age as you, and we have endured many difficult times.
A gentleman in the meeting spoke about Sistan and Baluchistan. I myself have lived in Sistan and Baluchistan, and the situation in Sistan and Baluchistan has dramatically changed today compared to the years 1977, 1978 when I used to live there. He says that they do not have any air, what does this mean? It means that there are dust particles in Zabol. There are dust particles there for three, four months a year: he is right; this is and used to be part of the problems in Sistan and Baluchistan. However, at that time, the people were suffering from abject poverty, in the real sense of the word: they were suffering from abject poverty! I used to see this poverty up close. After the Revolution, many tasks have been accomplished, and many achievements have been made, not only in Sistan and Baluchistan but throughout the country. Much work has been done in the area of justice: you, unfortunately, do not read enough books. You are not interested, very much, in reading [audience laughs], but I am an avid reader: I read a lot. I would like, you, the younger generations, to really read books more often.
In reports about the discussions between Alam and the Shah -- I narrated another part of these discussions a few days ago as well -- Mohammad Reza Shah says to Alam in a whiny tone: "The gap between the lowest and highest incomes has increased by a factor of 100!" This is Mohammad Reza Shah's own confession. The gap was 100! Today, there is the talk of a factor of 12, 14. Of course, this gap is too wide as well, but at that time, it used to be 100. We really used to see certain things which are completely indescribable: things about the people's condition, their poverty and lack of freedom.
Nowadays, some people complain that there is no freedom. They say why can't so and so not express something on TV, but this is not a good excuse to prove that there is lack of freedom. Well, if that person could express his ideas it might be better, but is this situation really comparable to the pre-revolutionary era? We had a friend who was among the militant clergy who had escaped to Pakistan and who stayed there for a while. Once, he came to Mashhad and he spoke to me about an incident in Pakistan, he said: "Once, we were walking in a park in one of the cities of Pakistan and my companions handed out a number of declarations and manifestos. I asked surprisingly, 'Handing out declarations in a park?' The idea that one could distribute declarations and manifestos in a public place was completely unbelievable to us." This was really the case.
In certain newspapers – let alone in cyberspace where insults are abundant – and even in the IRIB programs some critical remarks are made: this prompts executive officials to come up to me and complain about how some “20:30” news program has said something irrational. --That is while you complain that they do not make any judgments! They complain to me constantly. On the one hand, you complain about why we do not mention some things; on the other hand, they complain about why we allow such criticism [audience laughs]!
Would it have been possible for people at that time [pre-revolution era] to carry a note containing even one single word from what is broadcasted on the 20:30 news program, and in other critical programs, and arguments made by the IRIB? If they had found such notes, they would have destroyed them completely.
I once spoke about this, but there is not any time to expand on this matter. [At this point, some of the participants ask the Supreme Leader to continue his statements after the iftar meal, and he responds in a humorous tone, quoting a well-known Persian saying: "Look, they distribute generously from the purse of the caliph," [meaning they are generous with spending time or money that is not theirs to spend, and the audience laughs]. Conditions were like this.
So, in conclusion, this is the gist of my statements, in all the mentioned areas --the values, ideals, and great aspirations -- the Revolution has moved forward and made progress. This progress is something similar to what you witness in the area of science and technology. One of our brothers in the meeting stated that he works at the Royan [Institute]: Royan is only an example. One day, the diligent and hard-working young individuals at Royan acquired the skills to develop the study of stem cells. They brought the technology into the country; by this way, they developed an industry of producing and reproducing stem cells, which were previously available to only three or four countries around the world: the same is true for other areas. There are many examples of such industrial, scientific, and technological breakthroughs. So, there has been a progression in the country.
It should not be the case that we make the mistake of confusing ourselves by saying, "Such tasks are of no use. They have not been carried out, there has been no progress, and we will not be able to accomplish them in the future." We have made progress and, by Allah's favor, we will continue to make progress: this is an open road. We should not look at this highway as a dead-end alleyway.
Our highway is an open one, and we can move forward, particularly with the resources that the country enjoys including its manpower and natural resources. On that day too, in a meeting with officials, I spoke at length about the resources and capacities of the country: this is one issue. Now, this progress should continue with complete intensity and strength, and we are not satisfied with this much.
There are certain elements which can help us, and there are some obstacles that should receive our attention. One of the elements that exist is the government. The government is one of the key elements in progress towards attaining these ideals. The revolutionary government, system, and administration make up some of these elements. If there is an obstacle on this path, there will surely be some problems, we should take action to make the country's government -- when I say, "government" I mean the general management of the country -- and the officials embrace a revolutionary movement so that these ideals will progress.
The influential classes of our society -- scholarly and social classes, including academic, seminarian, scientific and artistic personalities who are influential -- should be active in these areas. And young forces -- all young individuals -- are another important element. Young forces play a pioneering role: they are, in fact, like a locomotive. They play the role of an engine: when a locomotive moves, it naturally makes the rest of the train move. Of course, this role can only be fulfilled if the responsibilities, which fall on the young forces, are carried out correctly.
The spirit of hope, determination, and planning -- these three elements --are necessary as well. First of all, you should not lose one bit of hope. Some are constantly injecting despair into the society: this is carried out as a hostile course of action. Those who are doing this may not really be the enemy, but they are doing the enemy's work. Anyone who injects despair into the society is carrying out the enemy's work. They say, "It is not possible. It is of no use. Everything is in a mess." --This is the enemy's work. Hope is a necessary condition.
Another element is determination and willpower: this involves carrying out decision-making: such elements require decision-making. Another element is planning. These tasks are not possible without planning: you should have these three elements in mind.
There are certain obstacles as well. Some of these obstacles are internal obstacles. They say that such and such a person is pinning all the blame on the US and others. Of course, may God curse the US and vicious Britain. Many of our problems originate from them, but I believe that most problems stem from us. Our obstacles are mainly domestic, and foreigners are taking advantage of these internal obstacles. So, there are some internal obstacles.
One obstacle is a lack of understanding of different matters. Failing to adequately understand the affairs and issues of the country, and the Revolution, are obstacles: this makes you, students and other intellectual personalities, responsible towards working on this issue. One of the dear brothers asked me to offer some recommendations so that intellectual personalities work with students: it is definitely necessary to do so. Pious and revolutionary intellectuals -- whether in Islamic seminaries or universities -- should work with students more often. And you, yourselves, should pursue this, and you yourselves should think of ways to do so. Thus, failing to understand the issues of our country is one of the obstacles.
Failing to understand the environment is another obstacle. There are some individuals who do not understand the environment. When we do not understand the environment, it's highly probable that we make mistakes. When warriors and soldiers do not know where they are, or where their enemies and friends are located, they might shoot at their friends while they think that they're firing on the enemy. The environment should be identified correctly. Different fronts and camps that exist should be seen and distinguished. Some things that some individuals do are similar to that of a person who has fallen asleep in a trench. He wakes up to gunfire, and he does not know where the enemy is; he does not know where his friends are: he starts to fire the artillery or his gun in one direction. As it happens, he aims at his friends. Some people do things like this: they do not know whom they are fighting. Therefore, understanding the environment is absolutely necessary.
Another obstacle is indecisiveness. Another obstacle is laziness. One other obstacle is impatience. When you put food on the stove, you cannot stomp your feet asking for food as soon as you turn on the burner: You have to wait until the food is cooked. Sometimes, things are like this. Some of the actions that good revolutionary brothers and sisters carry out in some places originate from lack of patience. Patience is necessary: patience is one of the characteristics of the Revolution.
Of course, we have revolutionary rage, but we also have revolutionary patience. The complete epitome and embodiment of justice are seen in the Commander of the Faithful: we do not have anyone juster. The Commander of the Faithful showed patience in some places as well. You know about the Commander of the Faithful's biography. He says: "So I adopted patience although there was pricking in the eye and suffocation in the throat," [Nahjul Balaghah, Sermon 3]. He showed patience in the face of the pressure from the Khawarij in the Battle of the Siffin, and he submitted to the arbitration. So, patience is necessary during some events. Sometimes, one has to show patience because there is no other choice, and, sometimes, there are choices, but one has to show patience anyways.
Another obstacle is busying ourselves with destructive and deviant thoughts: an example is fighting over unnecessary matters. Small differences and excuses sometimes lead to grave conflicts. For example, there are some peripheral issues in our country. Last year, I think it was at this meeting, or a similar meeting in the month of Ramadan, that I pointed to a peripheral matter that had occurred at that time. In my opinion, in the present time, a peripheral matter which has occupied our attention more than fundamental matters is the issue of cyberspace and social networks and the like: these are peripheral matters. Well, tasks should be carried out in this regards, and something is being done about it. Paying too much attention -- from both sides and in different ways -- to this issue is a peripheral matter: this is ignoring the main tasks. These are our internal obstacles.
We have external obstacles as well. The main external obstacles include the injection of despair and the installation of incapability. They are promoting this ideology that we are incapable: this is constantly being -- as you said, one should not use foreign words, but I have to use them here -- "pumped." These [venomous] ideas are continuously injected into society: the feeling of despair and incapability.
Another external obstacle involves the giving and receiving of false information. They [enemies] give false information on different matters, and they distort historical facts. Of course, this is not a recent development; rather, it has been several years since they have begun a sly campaign for the purpose of redeeming the Taghut regime. I wish it were something that could be excused! It cannot be redeemed no matter how hard one tries. Those who write about the personalities of the Taghut elements are forced to acknowledge certain information despite the fact that they try very hard to justify their behavior. Is it possible to defend a regime which was so corrupt, weak, dependent, deviant and highly unpopular, whose constituents and politicians were perilously chasing personal benefits? Is Hoveida defensible? Is Mohammad Reza defensible?
Because you, the young, have not seen that era, they are trying to promote such false ideas. A movement is being launched in this regard with the purpose of convincing the young people to say: "Wow, they were not bad people, and the situation was not bad. Why did you carry out a revolution at all?" All these measures are related to the issue of questioning the Revolution: these ideals are being injected from the outside.
Enemies are also creating obstacles in the way of accomplishing our ideals. One of these functional obstacles is the imposition of sanctions -- imposing sanctions on both substances and technology. They create various obstacles that include the portrayal of victory as a defeat, magnifying small shortcomings, and attributing managerial weaknesses to the Islamic Republic. Such and such a manager in an organization shows some weakness or commits a sin, and they highlight it in order to question the Islamic Republic and the revolutionary system.--This is what the enemy is doing. You should pay serious attention to this matter.
One of our friends in this meeting pointed out the subject of concerts. Out of several thousand concerts, five -- for example -- concerts are canceled, but they extend this to the system, and they make a fuss about it, saying, "All concerts are being canceled!" This is while several thousand or several hundred concerts have been held without any cancellations. Only a few concerts have been canceled. Some manager or managers out of all the managers in the country -- for example, 10-20 managers -- do something wrong or adopt a wrong policy, and they [who complain] extend it not only to the general management of the country but also to the entire Islamic Republic! --These acts are the enemy's doing, and they are pursued with careful planning.
They refer to comprehensive democracy [that exists in Iran] as a "dictatorship." I believe that, in the present time, according to the information I have, there is no democracy, throughout the world, as real as our democracy. As far as I know, the relationship between the officials of the country and the people: their friendly relations with the people and their appointment by the people, is more realistic than anywhere else in the world. However, in his continuous propaganda efforts, the enemy is portraying this system as a dictatorship: well, this has been carried out by the enemy: they are pretending that this is the case. So, these are the external obstacles that our enemies are involved in.
Therefore, you should pay attention to the fact that the Islamic Republic is involved in a great battle. When I said that we should know where we are and identify the matters correctly, this is the main concern: you are in the middle of a battle -- a great and comprehensive one. You should feel this battle: You should identify the other side; if this is done, it becomes clear what duties all of us have. Without a revolutionary attitude, the system is worthless: it is really worthless. If it does not have a revolutionary outlook, it will not attain the ideals. It will not pursue these ideas in the first place; it will not be different from past regimes in the country, and it will be worthless.
Of course, adopting a revolutionary outlook is only possible within the framework of the Islamic Republic. You should pay attention to this side of the circumstance as well. It should not be the case that some individuals reject the Islamic Republic with the excuse of being a revolutionary. It should not be the case that they question the values, pillars, and foundations of the Islamic Republic in the name of being revolutionaries. Being a revolutionary does not mean carrying out destructive operations. The revolutionary outlook is a conventional, intelligent, motivational, hopeful and courageous scheme towards lofty goals: this is the definition and meaning of having a revolutionary outlook. And this is only possible within the framework of the Islamic government, the current government, this is not possible outside this framework. Having a revolutionary outlook does involve breaking the structures and destroying a system which originates from the Revolution. --This is another issue.
What I would like to stress is that today we are in dire need of repeating, highlighting, working on, and demanding these [revolutionary] ideas in our society: such demands are significant. Demanding that [revolutionary] ideas be met is one of those issues we should not abandon. If this tremendous invasion on public opinion -- carried out by anti-revolutionary forces -- is not confronted, through these demands, it will definitely destroy things. Mentioning, highlighting, and pursuing our goals, and making demands for their implementation becomes a fortress against the destruction of public opinion and intellectual environments -- they are, unfortunately, working on intellectual environments as well -- and also managerial environments. Unfortunately, such attempts have exerted some influence in certain cases. So, an army of pious and revolutionary young individuals is needed here so that it enters the arena and demands the [revolutionary] ideals. The young people, themselves, should help with the implementation of such ideals; certainly, how they can help requires a separate discussion. If there is enough time to reach the second part, I will raise some points about this matter as well.
Therefore, there is a need for highlighting [revolutionary] ideals, and this should be carried out with the special language of pious and revolutionary young individuals: whose characteristics are candidness and courageousness in expressing one's ideas. They express their ideas courageously: today, this was almost the case. We felt bravely motivated for saying certain things. Although I did not agree with some of the statements, I approve of courage. I completely approve of this warrior spirit from the young and revolutionary students. These valuable qualities should be constantly, outspokenly, and intelligently pursued by active young individuals.
Aristocratic lifestyles should be confronted. Public opinion should witness that this lifestyle is to be rejected. Intellectual dependance should be rejected as well. In the present time, the issue of consuming Iranian products has been brought up. The main problem that I have noticed is a psychologic problem in regards to foreign products. Unfortunately, this exists in a large class of society, and this is a sinister and najis [impure] legacy of the Taghut regime. At that time, eyes were pinned on foreign products and everything which was foreign was considered "the best." Of course, there were no noteworthy domestic products at that time, and this problem has persisted: this problem is a psychological problem.
There should be a public and intellectual movement for transforming these sentiments. If we can erase, from the people's minds, the thought that foreign products are better, then the people will naturally seek domestic products: the benefits and blessings of this move will materialize. Demanding the Islamic-Iranian lifestyle, demanding a religious culture, and confronting decadence, indifference, laziness, and opposition towards religion are the tasks that should be accomplished. However, all these tasks should be pursued with patience, tolerance, and acumen.
As I said, revolutionary patience and tolerance are like revolutionary rage. After becoming a prophet, Moses (p.b.u.h) went to Egypt, and he revealed his miracles and invited the people to obey God. Well, the Bani Israel [Children of Israel] were waiting for him to emerge. It was foretold that a savior would emerge and the savior was Moses. Now, Prophet Moses had come to Egypt, and they were waiting for him to transform the Pharaoh's system, but this did not happen. The Quran mentions that they went to Moses and said, "We have had nothing but trouble, both before and after you came to us," [7: 129]. What difference has your arrival made? What is the difference? Before you had emerged, we were under pressure, and we are under pressure now.
Notice that impatience is typical of the Bani Israel. Prophet Moses said that they have to show patience: "For the earth is Allah's, to give as a heritage to such of His servants as He pleases; and the end is best for the righteous," [7: 128]. If you have piety, the end will be yours, but patience is necessary. You should not be impatient. If we say why this did not happen, why things are like this, and if we put our foot down, this is not right: this is what I wanted to say in this regard.
May greetings be upon you and Allah's mercy
