In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful
All praise is due to God, Lord of the Worlds, and may peace and greetings be upon our Master and our Prophet, Abul-Qasim al-Mustafa Muhammad, and upon his untainted, pure, chosen Progeny, particularly the Remnant of God on earth.
Welcome, our dear brothers and sisters, the representatives of the great, dear Iranian nation in the Islamic Consultative Majlis.
First, I would like to congratulate you on the occasion of Eid al-Ghadir. It is truly a great Eid for the entire Islamic world. The concepts that should be paid attention to regarding the event of Ghadir involve very broad topics that lead to an understanding of Islam. It isn’t merely about the appointment of the Commander of the Faithful [Imam Ali (pbuh)] to Wilayat [divinely ordained leadership of the Muslims]. There are other important concepts within this too. I also congratulate you on the birth anniversary of Imam Hadi (pbuh).
Much has been said about the esteemed, venerable Islamic Consultative Majlis. I have spoken on this matter and so have others. Now, thanks to the detailed report presented by Mr. Qalibaf — whom I would also like to congratulate for being re-elected as Speaker — most, if not all, of the necessary things have been covered either in this address or in other statements. I would like to share a few words with you too.
The ststus and standing of the Majlis [Iranian Parliament] stems from the status of the law itself. What gives a legislative body its value and elevated position is its lawmaking, because law is the foundation for social life. Law is the essential condition for a social life. This is what the Majlis does, and that’s the primary reason why the Majlis is so important.
Of course, law is immensely important, but when it comes to its rational credibility, the laws that are rooted in collective wisdom carry greater weight. There have been laws throughout history. Some of those laws were good and weren’t bad, but they originated from the mind of a single person. The "Yassa of Genghis Khan" is a well-known example. Strong, credible laws were enacted, and people followed them. But from a rational point of view, a law coming from a single person’s mind doesn’t hold the same value as one created by the collective wisdom.
Now, if that collective wisdom has an added distinction, if the group crafting the law or the bearers of this wisdom are the representatives of an entire nation, then actually a nation is legislating. Naturally, the credibility of this [such a law] increases significantly. The legal credibility of a legislative body is dependent on the following. The first factor is that it creates laws. The second factor is that its lawmaking is based on a collective wisdom. And the third factor is that this body is elected by a nation. The people have sat down, thought things through, chosen that group, and sent them to the Majlis based on a majority vote.
So, this is the legal status of the legislative Majlis. But alongside this legal status, there is another test [or another dimension] that must be taken into account. That is the real status and true worth of the Majlis. Very well, we now know that legislative bodies in democracies around the world enjoy a certain level of credibility from a rational standpoint. But are all these parliaments equal in their true worth? From a legal perspective, they may appear similar, but are they the same in reality?
No, a parliament that relies on divine revelation and religion and is composed of honest, religious, virtuous individuals isn’t the same as a parliament made up of irresponsible people. Now, they may have been elected in their countries for whatever reason, but they lack moral excellence, distinction, and the trustworthiness required even for personal matters, let alone public and social matters. The true worth of a parliament made up of such people is vastly different from one that is comprised of virtuous individuals of moral excellence.
Or consider, for example, a parliament wholly devoted to serving justice, one that strongly avoids making the weak even weaker and which stands firmly against bringing pressure on the underprivileged. This parliament isn’t the same as one that aids oppression, fuels discrimination, helps to increase social inequality, supports those who harm human beings, and backs the murderers of [the people of] Gaza, for example. These [two parliaments] are not the same.
Therefore, beyond the legal authority and standard that all parliaments possess, which places them all at a high level, we must also consider another standard and criteria, which is the true worth [of a parliament]. It exists in some places and is absent in others. When we adopt this perspective, it becomes clear what status the Islamic Consultative Majlis has in the Islamic Republic. This is the point I wish to emphasize. Your status and role as representatives of the Islamic Consultative Majlis in Islamic Iran is truly unparalleled in the world we see around us. You are the “Islamic Consultative Majlis.” Imam Khomeini (ra) placed particular emphasis on the word "Islamic." During the first term when I myself was a member of the Majlis [Iranian Parliament], some people suggested another name. [But] Imam [Khomeini] said, “No. [It must be called] the Islamic Consultative Majlis.”
So the status of the Islamic Consultative Majlis is very high. When we compare the Majlis [Iranian Parliament] with others around the world today, we cannot ignore the distinctions that this Parliament has in our country. Since the beginning of the Revolution until now, the Majlis [Iranian Parliament] has been made up of various compositions with various political leanings. There is no doubt about that. Not every term has been the same, but overall when we look at it as a whole, the Majlis [Iranian Parliament] stands apart from other parliaments. It’s a distinguished, exceptional parliament.
The respect we hold for the Islamic Consultative Majlis stems from the fact that in addition to its legal significance, it also has a true worth. The respect we have for a member of the Majlis is because they are part of this valuable, dignified institution. That’s why Imam Khomeini (ra) has been quoted as saying, "The Majlis is the quintessence of the nation’s virtues." In the truest sense of the word, a parliament that flourishes in such a manner and is rooted in such principles is naturally considered to be the quintessence of a nation’s virtues and is immensely valuable.
It seems to me that if we consider the provisions and the true essence of such a parliament, we see that it’s a place of worship. This Majlis [Iranian Parliament] of yours is [like] a mosque. It truly is a place of worship. When you sit there thinking, working, and carrying out the tasks that Dr. Qalibaf just mentioned, and when you pursue these matters, enact sound legislation, etc., each of these actions is an act of worship. So the Majlis is like a mosque and is an example of the verse,
"A mosque founded on piety from the [very] first day is worthier for you to stand in it [for prayer]. Therein are men who love to purify themselves" (Quran 9:108). The Majlis is an example of this verse. This is the significance of the Islamic Consultative Majlis. This is how I view and understand the Majlis [Iranian Parliament].
The nature of the Majlis [Iranian Parliament] in the Islamic Republic is noble and pure. It’s unparalleled among the world’s legislative bodies. This is how we view the matter. However, there is a key point to consider here. That point is that we must preserve this nature in every facet of the Majlis. If it’s to be "founded on piety," then piety must be preserved within the Majlis. Since it’s meant to be a place of worship and since sincerity is a condition for worship acts, then sincerity must also be upheld. I have noted a few points on this which I will discuss shortly. These things must be present. They must be preserved. So, the dignity of the Islamic Consultative Majlis, in the way I described, isn’t something that’s always everlasting and permanent. It must be preserved in this way, maintained, and managed. Otherwise, even a devout worshipper like Barsisa can fall from the tall heights of worship, "His example is that of a dog. If you attack it, it lolls out its tongue, and if you leave it alone, it [still] lolls out its tongue" (Quran 7:176). That’s what can happen. [So,] you must maintain it, and you must preserve it.
Who needs to preserve it? You. You need to preserve it. The members of the Majlis must safeguard this status. From the outside, we must respect the Majlis. And we do, of course, God willing. Everyone should respect the Majlis. But within the Majlis itself, who is responsible for preserving the truth, the nature, the nobility, and the integrity that exist in the Islamic Consultative Majlis? It’s the members who are present in the Majlis. They are the ones [who must preserve it].
That’s why your behavior is so important. Your conduct is very important. There are certain things the Majlis should and shouldn’t do. For each new Majlis over the years, I have always offered a few words, a few lines, or a few pages of recommendations and have expressed my opinion. These are available. There are certain things that should or shouldn’t be done. There are also matters that you have mentioned yourselves, things others have stated, and I have also written down several matters that I will now share with you.
The first of these things that should or shouldn’t be done is that the member [of the Majlis] must know that they’re accountable. To whom? To God and to the law. This means that in every action you undertake, you should feel that there is a judge who will question you about your action. Know that you are accountable. So what does it mean to know that you’re accountable? It means that in the work you do in the Majlis, in your vote in favor of a particular law, or in your not voting for another law, you mustn’t allow personal motives to interfere.
Make sure you truly examine each issue with care and discernment. Consider what is in the best interest of the people, see what pleases Almighty God, and vote accordingly. Don’t allow personal motives to interfere. The first requirement with regard to accountability is that one mustn’t allow personal motives or objectives to interfere. In the common expression used today, which is apparently derived from a foreign term, [avoid] conflicts of interest. One mustn’t give in to conflicts of interest.
Another important point is that the member [of the Majlis] must be fully aware of the impact their words, actions, and decisions have on the country’s public atmosphere. Before becoming a member [of the Majlis], you may have been a teacher, a doctor, a businessperson, or a seminary student. Perhaps you were engaged in various kinds of work. You may have had an opinion on something and you may have said some things that weren’t heard very much and may not have had much of an impact. But when you stand on the podium — the podium of the Majlis — your words have an impact. Some will interpret your words in their own way, and not everyone is virtuous and pious. Some are impious and they may twist your words for their own ends, which will harm the country, the system, the government, or our national interests. So you must be mindful of what you say.
The words you speak from the platform of the Majlis must generate hope and bring calm to society. Fortunately, the Majlis has been like this for some time now. There was a time in the past when, if you tuned into the Majlis’s discussions, you would hear quarrels and discord coming out of them. But praise God, that is no longer the case. The Majlis doesn’t fuel controversies, and it’s actually quite calming to a great extent. This is what’s important.
What is said in the Majlis and is voiced by a member must reflect the rationality of the Majlis. It must show that your thoughts are guiding your words and actions. Your audience must be left with this impression. This has a significant impact. What you say should also reflect your commitment to the principles of the Revolution. Let’s not imagine that what some person sitting in some corner of the world likes [or dislikes] should influence our words. No, we have certain principles, ideals, and clearly defined duties. And adherence to these must be seen in our honorable members’ remarks.
It should show our determination and strength, especially in the international arena. In other words, you should speak in a way that shows determination, demonstrates authority; shows that the nation which you represent is determined, has willpower; shows that the nation’s willpower is strong and it has authority. This isn’t an exaggeration. It’s the truth of the matter.
Our nation is truly a resolute, determined nation. Which other nation do you know of that boldly stands up; is firm; and strongly, clearly asserts its own position in confronting the world powers — like those world powers that are currently busy with their empty rhetoric, imposing their will, and giving orders to others? Few nations besides ours are like that. The Europeans have trembled in the face of certain things, but not our nation. Our nation is firm on its positions. Despite all the continuous propaganda against Imam [Khomeini], you see what the nation does on the anniversary of his passing even after more than 40 years. Despite all the things they say against the Revolution, look at what happens on the 22nd of Bahman [in the rallies]. In the cold and under difficult conditions, you see how the people come out onto the streets. This is a demonstration of strength. It’s a demonstration of a strong will. This must be reflected. It must be conveyed in your words, in your actions, in your decision-making, and in how you approve or reject laws or individuals.
Of course, I see the effect of these qualities in the Majlis to a great extent. As far as I've heard, praise God, it’s good. Focus on these qualities, as they are very important issues.
Another essential matter is the unity of the nation. National unity is more necessary today than ever before. It’s always been necessary, but today it’s even more crucial. Disputes and conflicts are always harmful, even if they aren’t over personal matters. But when we express our differences in preferences, politics, work-related matters, or similar issues in the form of conflicts and disputes, it’s always harmful. Today, it’s more harmful than ever.
I have repeatedly emphasized that in fundamental issues, our country must speak with one voice. We must be united as one. Our nation and our system — our political system, our administrative structure — must be one united front. The groundwork for this is already in place. Fortunately, the heads of the branches of government are holding good meetings. In some administrations, I used to insist and emphasize that they hold meetings together, sit down and resolve their issues together, and that instead of speaking against each other over loudspeakers, they talk in private sessions. This was difficult for some.
Praise God, they now sit together, discuss the issues, and want to solve problems together. Currently, the groundwork is in place in this regard, and praise God, there is a relative sense of accord between the branches of government. This should be preserved. This should be preserved, and it shouldn’t turn into factionalism. The Majlis’s platform shouldn’t be a place for reflecting discord, and it isn’t, praise God. Now, these are the general points I wanted to make in my recommendations and remarks. There are also some specific, practical matters, and I have noted three or four of these matters to share with you.
One issue is the Seventh Development Plan. The commencement of the Seventh Development Plan coincided roughly with the start of this Majlis. This is an opportunity. The previous plans — well, this is called the Seventh Plan. What does that mean? It means there were six other plans before it. Those achieved around 35 percent of their goals, at most. So what does this mean? It means those who are planning in the government and in the Majlis — since the Majlis approves these plans — spend hours working and use vast human and financial resources to produce a plan, but then it isn’t implemented!
It’s like taking a taxi, paying a large amount, getting yourself to the doctor’s office, waiting one or two hours for your turn, seeing the doctor, having him/her write a prescription, and then coming out tearing up the prescription and throwing it away! How rational is that?
We shouldn’t work in such a way that only 35% is implemented. The plan must be implemented 100%. If there is a small lack in it, which is usually the case, 90 or 95% of it should be implemented. The plan should be implemented. You must pursue this. This was a part of Mr. Qalibaf’s remarks too. You must take serious action. A plan is a plan. It needs laws. The implementation of each section of the plan requires laws. Wherever you see a lack of laws or need them for the plan to be executed, ensure that legislation is passed properly, God willing.
The second issue is the matter of the revision of laws. I have repeatedly discussed and spoken about the matter of revising laws. When we were outside just now, Mr. Qalibaf and his colleagues showed me a document regarding the work being done on revising laws. For instance, they have found invalid laws related to the environment and written them here. They have found invalid laws in several areas.
Recently, they’ve been talking about using artificial intelligence programs, electronic devices, and things like that to do this. They’ve explained this to me. I told the gentlemen who were explaining this that all of these things are just preliminary steps. These are all just preparations for revising laws and not the actual revision of the law itself. If you properly make use of these prerequisites and delve into the heart of the matter, then the revisions in the laws will be achieved. I was given a report — though Mr. Qalibaf rejects it, saying it must be due to a lack of information — stating that out of 50 topics designated for law revision, only one has been approved and 49 are still pending!
This is what the report I have received shows, but hopefully it’s wrong. He [Mr. Qalibaf] believes this report is inaccurate. God willing, that’s the case. However, if it [the report] is correct, then this isn’t right. The revision of laws is very important. The benefits he mentioned that come from revising laws are the same ones I had in mind and which I have emphasized so much.
The third issue is the presence of members [of the Majlis]. I once said something in a gathering of members from one of the previous Majlis, which I don’t want to say about this Majlis. What I told them was this that when I watch the public sessions of the Majlis on television, I feel ashamed before the people because many of the seats are empty. This is important. Being present in the Majlis chamber and being present in the committees is necessary. It’s an obligation.
The second necessity is preparedness. In other words, you need to study issues in advance. May God rest the soul of the late Mr. Akhtari! When he was a member of the Majlis, he told me that he would spend a few hours — if I remember correctly — before a session studying the law to be discussed that day. He said he would read about it, assess it, and sometimes discuss it with an expert. This is how it should be. Working in the Majlis is a fundamental task. It isn’t a side job to be done next to other tasks. No, this is the main job for a member during those four years. This is their main job. One must enter the committees and the Majlis chamber fully prepared and having studied well. This is another recommendation.
Another recommendation is the matter of cooperating with the administration. Cooperation has a broad scope and a wide range. One way to cooperate with the administration is to avoid overburdening administrative officials with excessive questions or repeated summons to the Majlis. Administrative officials — not just this administration, though this administration has raised concerns with me as well, but previous administrations even more so — have presented statistics showing the number of questions raised in a given period.
It was a very large number. But not all those questions were necessary, nor were all those summons. Summoning a minister to a committee takes their time — two hours, three hours, or more. Reduce this some. That is, one form of cooperation with the administration is to limit such actions to the minimum amount required. Similarly, consider the investigations and inquiry that sometimes take place under the title of the Majlis oversight. The Majlis truly, genuinely has the right to investigate and inquire. But where should they do it, with what approach, and for what reason?
There are times when a reliable official source provides a report about a certain organization that compels us to conduct an investigation and inquiry. However, there are times when no such reliable source exists, and the information is only coming from an unverified report. In such cases, both the Majlis and the institution in question become unnecessarily burdened. So another recommendation is to reduce the investigations, inquiries, questions, summons, and similar actions to the bare minimum if possible. Of course, I truly do recognize the Majlis’s right to do these things, but only to the extent that’s necessary. Anything beyond that which is required should be avoided.
Another matter is the issue of economic bills. This is something that I’ve repeatedly recommended to the Majlis. Amendments to economic bills should be limited, and excessive changes must be avoided. It’s an economic bill. It has a beginning, an end, a cohesive structure, and a framework. When you make excessive changes in it and disrupt its framework, it loses its effectiveness. Then when it’s implemented, it fails to achieve the intended goals and accountability cannot be properly established. The administration claims that if the bill it proposed had been returned and approved by the Majlis, it would have given results. The blame then falls on the Majlis, and it responds in some way too! This approach isn’t acceptable. In my opinion, amendments to economic bills should be minimized as much as possible.
Now regarding the budget, the honorable government officials say they want to prepare an operational budget for the next year. In the past, the term "operational budget" was frequently used. They even claimed that the budget they had prepared was an operational one. However, it later became clear that it wasn’t really operational. It was cost-centered. An "operational budget" means a cost-benefit approach. The amount spent should yield corresponding results and benefits. That is what an operational budget is.
When the administration prepares and submits a budget to the Majlis, the overall structure and framework of the budget should be preserved. This doesn’t mean it shouldn’t be touched. There are areas where the Majlis sees flaws, and it has the right to make amendments. However, the core framework and general structure of the budget shouldn’t be touched. Second, unrealistic revenue sources shouldn’t be included in the budget. This has been one of our problems. Expenditures are generally realistic and rarely in violation, but revenues and income sources are often unrealistic. In the budgets of various years, we’ve seen examples where the administration assumes it will earn a certain amount from selling something, when such a sale is neither possible nor existent. Resources in the budget need to be realistic. This is another recommendation.
The final point, which I myself have mentioned and has been reiterated many times before, is that the Majlis must have a revolutionary approach. The Majlis is the Majlis of the Revolution, and it must take a revolutionary approach. However, be careful not to make a mistake in understanding what “being revolutionary” is. Being revolutionary isn’t merely about making a commotion. Being revolutionary means moving toward ideals. This is the first foundation of being revolutionary. We shouldn’t forget why the revolution took place.
Many of you young people — praise God, the Majlis is a relatively young Majlis— weren’t here during the time of the Revolution. You weren’t here during the battles. You didn’t see the Movement. What were the goals of the Movement? Well, if you look at what Imam [Khomeini] said, you’ll find the answer. If you examine the slogans of the Revolution, you’ll find the answer. If you consider the ideals that have been mentioned for the Revolution, you’ll find the answer. There shouldn’t be any deviation from the ideals of the Revolution. This is the first foundation of being revolutionary. Next is having the courage to express your beliefs. This is being revolutionary. In other words, one should state their beliefs clearly, unambiguously, and in a proper, respectful manner.
One of the pillars of being revolutionary is that personal motives must be completely set aside in matters related to work. For example, suppose you like one person and dislike another in terms of your interactions or political preferences. These matters should be put aside. Personal issues, personal tastes, and the like must be set aside in the decisions that are made for work. This is being revolutionary. Another matter is remembering God and seeing yourself in God’s presence.
In a brief statement, Imam [Khomeini (ra)] said, "The universe is in the presence of God." (Sahifeh-ye Imam, 13: 461). "Presence" [here] means the place where He is present. This entire universe is the place where Almighty God is present. Right now, as you and I are speaking, we are speaking in God’s presence. We must be aware of what we are saying, we must keep in mind what pleases God, and we must consider what Almighty God has asked of us and what brings His satisfaction. This is what being revolutionary is about.
The next issue is that when it comes to the positions of the Revolution, one must speak decisively, with courage, and clearly. That’s how you need to speak and make decisions. [If] some unwise person somewhere in the world makes a remark or levels an accusation against the Islamic Republic that is being spread globally, the Majlis must deliver a unified, strong, firm response. Sometimes it’s necessary for all representatives to give a response. At other times, one representative, two representatives, or for instance, a member of the Commission on Foreign Policy must take a stand and give an unequivocal response. This is what being revolutionary entails. However, using the prestigious platform of the Majlis in a way that, for instance, one uses it to give insults or the like isn’t very suitable.
In any case, I pray that Almighty God will grant you all success and guidance, and I hope that you will be rewarded for all your hard work. May Almighty God assist you in completing this term in the best possible manner, God willing, and enable you to be present where you need to be present. May Almighty God grant all of you a long, successful life filled with serving the people, God willing.
May God’s greetings, mercy, and blessings be upon you.
